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ORATION 



OK THE 



MORAL GRANDEUR 



OF 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

* __ 

DELIVERED ON THE 

OF fflS BERTH DAY, 
FEBRUARY XXII, MDCCCXXXII, 

▲T THE RK^VKST OF 

THE CITIZENS OF PORTSMOUTH, N. H. 



r 

i 



BY CHARLES BURROUGHS, 

RSCTOR OF BT. JOHN's CHVBCH. 



PORTSMOUTH: 
NATHANIEL MARCH k CO. 



^< -- - 'vc^^ 




1832. 






o^t 



PORTSMOUTH^ FEBRUARy 24, 1832. 
REV. CHARLES BURROUGHS, 

SIR, — ^The Coramittee, which was appointed at a 
meeting of the citizens of Portsmouth, to make arrangements for the cele- 
bration of the late Centsnnial Anniversary of the Birih of Washington, ten- 
der you their unfeigned acknowledgments for the able, eloquent and very 
appropriate oration, delivered by you on that interesting occasion. Believ- 
ing, that much good will result from a publication of the same, we'solicit a 
copy for that purpose. 

We are very respectfolly. 

Your most obedient servants, 
JOHN SMITH, CHARLES W. CUTTER, 

JOSEPH B. BALL, GEO. P. WILLARD, 

JOHN W. ABBOTT, MARK NUTTER, 

C. B. GOODRICH, WM. H. Y. HACKETT, 

T. HALL, JOSHUA H. KNIGHT, 

SAMUEL GOOKIN, NATHL. MARCH, 

MESHACII B. TRUNDY, HENRY S. RAND, 

BRACKETT HUTCHINGS, RICHARD JENNESS. 



'5 



PORTSMOUTH, FEBRUARY 27, 1832. 
TO THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS, 

GENTLEMEN, — The grateful expressions 
of your note are extremely flattering to me, and are an abundant reward 
for my humble services. From an ardent desire to comply with your 
wishes, I submit, though with great diffidence, a copy of my oration for 
the press ; trusting, as it was prepared at a short notice, that it will be read 
with the utmost, candour. With assurances of sincere respect, and of the 
best wishes for you and my fellow-citizens, 

I am, gentletnen, your obedient servant, 

CHARLES BURROUGHS. 



This morning completes a century, since the 
birth of the Father of our country. So pre- 
eminently valuable have been liis services, and 
so distinguished his virtues, that the rest of the 
civilized world, as w^ell as this nation, justly 
consider him, one of the most finished models of 
the human race. With him have become iden- 
tified almost all our important national incidents 
and benefits, during the past centmy. Doubt- 
less, to the end of time, v^ill the radiance of his 
name continue to lighten and cheer the earth. 

Nor was he only the Father of our country. 
He was not satisfied with simply laying the foun- 
dation of a new empire in this western world, 
but has also been, under heaven, the source of 
a large portion of its felicity and renown. He 
laid deep, broad and strong, the basis of our gov- 
ernment 5 reared with remarkable power and 
ability its numerous and massive columns, com- 
posing the noble constitution, that sustains it 5 
chisselled with consummate art their corinthian 
capitals, the sciences and arts, that adorn civil 



6 

life ; and formed it into an imperishable and 
splendid temple, the admiration of mankind. 
He sowed the seed 5 fostered the germ 5 watch- 
ed with intense care over the progress of the 
plant 5 and protected the tree of liberty, beneath 
whose luxuriant branches and refreshing shade 
we sit in fearless repose and unbounded pros- 
perity. 

It is not surprising therefore, that throughout 
our land there should be an enthusiastic desire 
to celebrate, with unusual splendour and festiv- 
ity, this centennial anniversary of the birth- day 
of Washington, and also a generous effort to 
give it a species of consecration by the liveliest 
emotions of gratitude, and by acts of unalloyed 
homage to patriotism and virtue. It is a pecu- 
liarly appropriate season for pausing to contem- 
plate our political history 5 the origin and pro- 
gress of our nation 5 and the moral gTandeur of 
him, who, tlirough the mercy of the Supreme 
Being, was a pillar of cloud by day, and a pillar 
of fire by night, to guide us with safety, success 
and glory through the wilderness of a tremen- 
dous revolution. It seems to be solemnly in- 
cumbent on us, not to tread upon the threshold 
of another century, till we have made familiar 
to us the reminiscences of the past, and garner- 
ed up from duty and interest, from a regard to 
our children as well, as to ourselves, the gallant 
deeds of the heroes and benefactors, who achiev- 
ed our liberties. It is our duty, by an inquiry 



into the life, genius, and services of the mighty 
master spirit, that wielded the destinies of the 
revolution, to ascertain vrhat influence he has 
had on the past age ; what power his principles 
and actions have over present and coming events; 
what lessons of wisdom he has taught lis ; what 
obligations we owe him ; and what proofs we 
are now giving to the world and to posterity, 
that the ingratitude of republics, though prover- 
bial, is not universal. It is our duty to make 
a new eflbrt this day, to transmit, unimpaired to 
future generations, the blessings, which we have 
received, and to inculcate on them such political 
sentiments, as are the saliitary results of matur- 
ed wisdom and long tried experience. This is 
the propitious opportunity for inquiring, whether 
the principles and poUcy of the founder of this 
empire were such, as will bear the test of the 
present enlightened era, and be acknowledg- 
ed a fortunate dispensation. This is the conve- 
nient hour for taking a retrospective view of our 
colonial difficulties and then* various and peculiar 
consequences ; since we are removed to such a 
distance from those days, that we can better dis- 
cern their various relations and influences, unbi- 
assed by the factions or enthusiasm, which mark- 
ed that period. These topics will all naturally 
be developed, in expatiating on the merits of 
him, whose birth-day we now commemorate. 

The subject then, my fellow citizens, which 
you have so flatteringly committed to the con- 



8 

sideration of my humble talents, is obviously one 
of immense dignity and interest, demanding no 
common intellectual powers, judgment and ob- 
servation, and no ordinary acquaintance with 
the eventful history and great men of our coun- 
try. Hence the duty, imposed upon me, is one 
of high and painful responsibleness, which must 
of course be incompetently discharged. In the 
century, just completed, you have assigned to 
me for delineation, one of the most remarkable 
ages of the world ; and, in the illustrious indi- 
vidual, that has been the most conspicuous ac- 
tor in it, you have submitted to me a character, 
that is without a human parallel. The theme 
is the age of Washington. We can all exult 
at the mention of it ; and be filled with brilliant 
conceptions, as we contemplate it. But what 
pencilling of it can be compared with the glow- 
ing pictures of our imaginations, and what migh- 
ty mind would not feel its impotence, in seizing 
the pencil to paint it ? It is in vain for me to 
expect to do it justice 5 it would be presumption 
in me to hope, that I should deserve your praise. 
My honest and best efforts, however, shall be 
cheerfully exerted to gratify your wishes. Be- 
sides my confidence in your well informed minds, 
which will supply my deficiencies, and in your 
candour, which will overlook them, I rely on 
another powerful circumstance to justify my ap- 
pearance before you. That circumstance is the 
ardent, patriotic enthusiasm, which is enkindled 



9 

in you by this glorious anniversary, and which 
is calculated to throw an interest even over this 
humble trilDute of mine. It cannot be expected 
that, within the proper limits of the occasion, 
justice can be fully done to the character of 
Washington. I can only present to you de- 
tached portions of it ; but these, like detach- 
ed members of the faultless statue, which is the 
master -piece of Phidias, will not only proclaim 
their own perfection, but give you sublime con- 
ceptions of the whole model, and fill you with 
grateful admiration of the divine hand, that 
formed it. 

The period, at which Washington was born ; 
the new and peculiar field, on which he appear- 
ed ; and the remarkable circumstances, connected 
with them both, were such, as demanded the 
interposition of some mighty mind, and were 
favorable for the developement of the sublimest 
moral qualities. It is well known, that the ri- 
val nations of France and England commenced, 
about the same time, to plant colonies in Amer- 
ica 5 and that, early in the last century, it was 
the express object of the former to vsubdue the 
Indians, dispossess the English settlers, and 
obtain dominion over this whole country. The 
French possessions extended along our whole 
western and northern frontier 5 and their popu- 
lation exceeded half a million. All the aborig- 
inal tribes, except the six nations, were attached 
to France and trained up in the military dis- 

B 



10 

cipline of Europe. But the providence of God 
checked the power of these French colonists. 
He ratlier chose to people this new empire with 
the descendants of Englishmen ; to exempt us 
from the oppressive mental and religious yoke 
of papacy 5 and also to enable us to say, with no 
inconsiderable gratitude, that 

" Chatham's language is our mother tongue." 

The population of the English colonies, at that 
time, w^as double that of the French, but was 
spread over a large territory; was separated into 
distinct governments and interests 5 had neither 
union nor military experience 5 was constantly 
engaged in disputes with the colonial rulers ; 
and was ever jealous of the prerogatives of the 
crown. Moreover the colonies of France and 
England, which otherwise would have continu- 
ed on pacific terms, were compelled to embark 
in the wars of those two nations 5 were there- 
fore constantly agitated by conflicting preten- 
sions and skkmishes, and sacrificed their best re- 
sources to schemes of foreign aggrandisement, 
in which they had not the slightest concern. 
Many royal acts, that were passed in relation 
to the English settlers, were perpetual sources 
of discontent and complaint among them, and 
tended constantly to accelerate their separation 
from the parent state ; which event, sooner or 
later, must necessarily have happened. 

More than forty years before the occurrence 

of that event, it was predicted by bishop Berke- 



11 

ley, then a temporary resident in Rhode-Island, 
and a discriminating observer of the manners of 
the colonists. Such a prediction might natu- 
rally and reasonably have been hazarded by any 
intelligent observer, who considered that our 
colonial ancestors vrere descended from enlight- 
ened freemen, and were animated by those glo- 
rious doctrines of the Reformation, which was 
then gradually dissolving all the chains, that 
bound civil and religious liberty in Europe. 
These were the principles, that distinguished 
our forefathers, and laid the foundation of our 
independence. 

It was a transcendent blessing, that om* polit- 
ical existence had its origin on a soil, at a vast 
distance from the contact and corruption of the 
old world, and in that brilliant era of the annals 
of time, when liberal opinions had commenced 
their triumphant march on the earth. The 
spirit of liberty was in our people, and must 
show itself It glowed in their lifeblood, and 
was essential to their being. Their minds had 
felt such raptures from knowledge, that nothing 
could arrest their freedom of inquiry. Their 
souls bounded with an expanded range, conge- 
nial with the vastness of then* country. Their 
rights of conscience were felt to be an immunity 
from God, which nothing should control 5 and 
they considered civil authority, only as a trustee- 
ship for the protection of public peace. These 
were the agents, rather than navigation laws. 



12 

stamp acts, and oppressive taxes without the 
rights of representation, that marked out our 
soil for the throne of freedom. Countless ad- 
vantages, that this country exhibited to us ; our 
distance from the parent state 5 and the charac- 
ter of our colonists ; all told in the most emphatie 
and eloquent language, that here must be found- 
ed an independent government. 

Notwithstanding the severe course, pursued 
by the British ministry, there were, on the part 
of the colonies, continued hopes and desires for 
conciliation. In first demanding a redress of 
grievances, they never designed, or expected 
any thing more, than a modification of the gov- 
ernment in their favor. It was not in their 
scope of policy or conception to found in this 
new world a new empire. They dreamt not of 
that rapid succession of providential incidents, 
those repeated aggravations on the one side, and 
consequent retaliations on the other, which swell- 
ed into a systematic and magnanimous opposi- 
tion, and gloriously resulted in victory and in- 
dependence. Long would such results have 
been deferred, had our resistance been seasona- 
bly met by ministerial conciliation. But re- 
peated annoyances, such as noble spirits could 
no longer endure, at last roused the colonies to 
desperation and open hostility. 

Their conduct w^as justified, " not by a sove- 
reign and venal parliament, but," as Junius^ 
said, "by the real sentiments of the English 



13 

people." Nor was the whole of parliament 
adverse to our cause, which was most power- 
fully sustained by several of the most distin- 
guished and eloquent statesmen of England. 
^^ When," said Mr. Pitt, " the resolution was 
taken in the house to tax America, I was ill in 
my bed. If I could have endured to have been 
carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of 
my mind for the consequences, I would have 
solicited some kind friend to have laid me down 
on the floor, to have borne my testimony against 
it. Taxation is no part of the governing or leg- 
islative power. 1 rejoice that America has re- 
sisted. Three millions of people, so dead to 
all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to sub- 
mit to be slaves, would have been fit instru- 
ments to make slaves of all the rest of their fel- 
low-subjects." Burke also said of us, that, in 
the course of our proceedings, we were '^not 
only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according 
to English ideas, and on English principles." 

Amidst this state of things, a lofty mind, that 
could secure for itself implicit public reverence 
and confidence, was wanted, to bring order out 
of confusion 5 to arrange and purify the discord- 
ant materials of society ; to devise a system of 
administration, adapted to the public exigency ; 
and arrest the progress of a tremendous civil 
tempest, ere it should burst, and scatter univer- 
sal desolation in its path. Though despised 
and oppressed, we sprang from a nation of free- 



14 

men. We were jealous of our rights, and 
"snuffed the approach of tyranny in every 
tainted breeze." From the parent state and 
our immediate rulers we saw no prospect of 
protection or comfort. Along the whole west- 
ern frontier, from north to south, we were in 
constant danger from the predatory incursions 
of the French, or the relentless cruelties of In- 
dian warfare. Our whole population, in the 
middle of the last century, did not exceed two 
millions ; and, for more than twenty years after 
that period, we were dependent for every thing 
on England. A contest with that country, we 
knew, would be for a long time attended with 
almost insufferable personal sacrifices ; would 
not only abridge our luxuries, but almost de- 
prive us of clothing, provisions, and all requisite 
means of defence. Our state governments were 
various. There was scarcely any thing, like 
union, or local attachment among the people. 
They were scattered over the land 5 and ready, 
on every slight cause of provocation or disap- 
pointment, to return to the parent state. All 
things were unsettled in government, legislation, 
religion, and commerce. From without, we 
were exposed to the hazard of foreign invasion 5 
from within, to civil commotions. It was at 
this perilous crisis, when nothing, but divine 
interposition could have secured our liberties 
and peace, that it pleased God to send us the 
illustrious Washington ; to 



15 

" Bend him forth, 
In Bight of mortal and immortal powers. 
As on a boundless theatre, to run 
The great career of justice ; to exalt 
His generous aim to all diviner deeds ; 
To chase each partial purpose from his breast ; 
And, through the mists of passion and of sense. 
And, through the tossing tide of chance and pain. 
To hold his course, unfaltering." 

It pleased the Supreme Being to favour this 
nation with his valour, virtue and bright exam- 
ple ; and to make this, his natal day, one of the 
most brilliant in the American calendar. These 
preliminary remarks will better prepare us for 
an illustration of the moral grandeur of that ex- 
traordinary man 5 who, by his surprising ener- 
gies, profound wisdom, sound judgment, per- 
sonal bravery, well contested battles, enlighten- 
ed policy and unequalled prudence, has trans- 
formed the whole scene of the former miseries 
of this country to one of unexampled blessings, 
and has established our national existence, pros- 
perity and honour, our freedom, sovereignty 
and independence. 

It will now be naturally asked, what are the 
features of that attribute, which has been men- 
tioned, and which should be ascribed to the 
founder of our empire, as his predominant char- 
acteristic ? What is moral grandeur ? It is the 
singular combination of the most pure and ele- 
vated principles, and eminent virtues, brought 
into action by uncommon impulses and formid- 
able difficulties and conflicts. It is not produc- 
ed in the calm stream of peaceful life, where 



16 

struggles are comparatively nothing, and where 
all may attain to the beauty of moral excellence* 
It is formed in the crisis of moral convulsions. 
It is the noblest energy of man, meeting Avith 
conscious rectitude, unappalled firmness, and 
unruffled spnit, the severer assaults of the tre- 
mendous powers of darkness. It is born in the 
hour of some awful civil hurricane, and nursed 
amidst the tempests of life. It rides on the vol- 
lied lightnings of a revolution, and conducts them 
away with safety and blessing. Its features 
are painted on the dark canvass of the retiring 
clouds of distress, with all the grace and mag- 
nificent colourings of the rainbow. It holds the 
dominion over every evil passion, and is the 
faultless model of self-government and unbend- 
ing integrity. It is a spirit of simplicity, that 
rises above, and disdains the external decora- 
tions of life. It aims at the public good, with- 
out the alloy and pollutions of selfishness ; and 
accomplishes its lofty purposes, only by means, 
that the loftiest spirits of heaven would approve. 
It finds nothing in the universe to weigh against 
freedom and truth. It regards the divine law", 
the obligations of duty, the judicial majesty of 
conscience, above all the menaces of peril, the 
insidious eloquence of private interest, and the 
tempting overtures of personal aggrandisement. 
Amidst the imperious claims of virtue and truth, 
it surrenders, when requu-ed, every thing and 
even life itself, as a triumphant sacrifice, with- 



17 

out hesitation or regret, with a firm step, a se- 
raphic serenity of demeanour, and a martyr-like 
zeal and majesty. Such was the moral grand- 
eur, that distinguished Washington. But to 
comprehend and acknowledge more fully his 
claims to such sublime excellence, let us ana- 
lyze his character, as developed in his official 
stations, and the walks of private life 5 while 
commanding the armies of our country 5 presid- 
ing with wisdom and dignity over its counsels ; 
and exhibiting his abundant virtues, as a patriot, 
a philanthropist, and a christian. 

WherfWashington became old enough to dis- 
cern the political condition of these colonies, he 
found the waves of civil commotion raging so 
high and violently, that their sullen roar echoed 
across the wide Atlantic. He may be said to 
have been cradled amidst the storm. His mind 
loved to gaze upon the wide waste of waters, to 
mark the elemental strife, and seek a conspicu- 
ous station, w^iere he might be a minister of 
mercy. As the British navy ojfFered the bright- 
est prospects for his patriotism, his ardent youth 
sought and obtained a commission in that ser- 
vice, which would probably have been the des- 
tiny of his life, had not maternal firmness and 
judgment overruled his decision, that he might 
move in a higher sphere and a grander cause. 
As his talents and faculties became matured, 
and the clouds of civil tempest thickened, his 
gallant spirit, disdaining inglorious ease, sought 
c 



18 

active usefulness. It led him early to resist the 
encroachments of the French on the hanks of 
the Ohio, where his lessons of military experi- 
ence were severe, though salutary 5 where he 
displayed great skill, self-possession, and per- 
sonal bravery ; where he was once the only 
surviving soldier, that did duty on horseback, 
and where his life was then constantly endan- 
gered, having two horses killed under him, and 
his coat perforated by four balls. He is said in 
that unfortunate action, in which Braddock lost 
his life, and which indeed hazarded the loss of 
his whole army, to have preserved the defeated 
troops, by singular presence of mind, prompt- 
ness and discernment. For several years was 
he engaged in campaigns on the Ohio 5 where 
his military talents obtained the warm encomi- 
ums of eminent British officers. He obtained 
all, for which his sword was drawn. The 
French troops were ejETectually driven from our 
territory 5 and all Indian warfare was hushed. 
It was on the lovely banks of the Ohio, at Fort 
Duquesne, a school of awful suffering and peril, 
that Washington w^as nurtiu'ed and trained by 
providential discipline for his mightier conflicts. 
All eyes, for years, were gazing aa ith intense 
solicitude and delight on that upright and valor- 
ous youth ; and all were willing to repose on 
his genius, talents and prowess. To these, and. 
still more to his wisdom, firmness and prudence, 
all confidently committed the whole army, when 



19 

r 

the colonies resolved on the fearful alternative, 
to war with the parent country. 

We may now obviously discern his moral 
grandeur, as we contemplate his career, while 
general and commander in chief of the Ameri- 
can forces. But in this capacity, under what 
different circumstances do we view him, as 
brought into comparison with most of the mili- 
tary commanders of the earth. It is not, as a 
Roman warrior, of a remote age, heading his 
invincible legions 5 nor, as a Grecian victor, 
extending his dominions without right, and rev- 
elling on the spoils of captured cities without 
mercy 5 nor, as clothed with the ancient classi- 
cal heroism of character, that we should contem- 
plate Washington. The glory, that emblazons 
his arms, is no false light, produced by the pol- 
lutions of worldly misconception and error, by 
the love of popular applause, by personal ag- 
grandisement, or unhallowed ambition. It gath- 
ers none of its brightness from the usual circum- 
stances of military renown. He is a hero, after 
the highest model, and in the noblest field. His 
model was the perfection of goodness ; his field 
was that of liberty and truth. 

Inquire into the object, that induced him to 
command our forces. Was it the execrable 
lust of gold ? This was impossible. How could 
such a charge be consistent with that generous 
spirit, which refused the slightest compensation 
for his military services, and would only accept 



20 

the payment of the expenses, necessarily incur- 
red in tbe discharge of his duty ? Of these ex- 
penses he kept a most scrupulous account, which 
is before the world for inspection. What proof 
of exemption from the love of money is stronger 
than this ? What history records any other in- 
stance of a commander, that so eminently serv- 
ed his country without pecuniary emolument ? 

Was it ambition of power, that led him to be 
a general ? But what field was there for the in- 
dulgence of this passion ? He was in arms a- 
gainst the established authority of the country. 
Had his cause failed, he would perhaps have 
been executed, as a rebel. Had he been cer- 
tain of success, what enchanting objects did the 
military or civil government of these impover- 
ished and distressed States present to awaken 
ambition 1 His subsequent life proved, that he 
was not actuated by this passion. He retained 
no power, delegated to him, longer than it was 
necessary, and he could be useful 5 and express- 
ed decided personal gratification and comfort, 
when he withdrew from public life. 

Was it the love of glory, that led him to ac- 
cept the charge of the array ? It would be a 
malicious impeachment of his admirable judg- 
ment to suppose, that he would have chosen 
such an office, as the path to renown. None 
ever gave less proof of appetency for it. He 
could have had no reason to expect it. — 
There liad then been no harmonious, systematic 



21 

cooperation, respecting the war. The opposi- 
tion to it was very powerful. Some of the best 
and most influential men were adverse to all 
his policy 5 and many, who served under his 
standard, gave not their hearts to his cause. 
The contest presented a fearful odds against 
him. The British troops were well disciplined 
and well appointed ; and, combining the naval 
as well as land forces, composed the formidable 
army of fifty thousand men. The little, undis- 
ciplined band of the colonists was, with great 
difficulty, collected from the different states, on 
short enlistments. Cut oif from the parent 
country, where alone resources could be obtain- 
ed, they were almost destitute of arms, ammu^ 
nition, clothing, camp equipage, tools or maga- 
zines of provisions. Faint must have been their 
prospect of any successful enterprise 5 and hope- 
less that of victory and freedom. It cannot ap- 
pear therefore, in accepting his high military 
appointment, that he had any thing in view, but 
the public good. For this object his own per- 
sonal sacrifices were immense 5 to this end all 
personal comfort was secondary. 

Nor, can it be said, that in his military ca- 
reer he w^as actuated by mere devotion to a 
party. He felt that the cause, in wliich he was 
engaged, was the cause of virtue and liberty. 
He had, from the earliest period of his political 
convictions, while a member of the house of bur- 
gesses in his own province, been opposed to the 



22 

CMDurse of British policy 5 and no one, acquaint- 
ed with his early and unbending devotion to 
truth and rectitude, could for a moment imag- 
ine, that his actions ever expressed a sentiment, 
at variance with his belief 5 or that he could have 
pursued any course, which his enlightened un- 
derstanding, sober conviction, and pure heart 
did not approve. 

Of his personal firmness and bravery there 
can be no doubt. His whole conduct proclaims 
this fact. Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth, 
Yorktown, are some of the unquestionable proofs 
of his military skill, courage and success. In- 
deed there is no part of any of his campaigns, 
where his valour should have been distrusted ; 
though there might have been apprehensions of 
his erroneous judgment in repeatedly forbearing 
an action, w hich, in the opinion of others, should 
have been hazarded. But his supposed errors 
of judgment were always, more probably, dic- 
tates of prudence 5 for he had ever too much 
wisdom to be lured by the prospects of a brill- 
iant enterprise, where he felt that the safety of 
his troops would be eminently endangered. — 
Never was he thought to have betrayed a want 
of firmness, except in the following instance 5 
and even in that, from the statement of compe- 
tent authority, his conduct was impelled by an 
almost rash intrepidity, which the occasion de- 
manded, and which made him uiiconscious of 
his danger, ratlier than by desperation of mind, 



23 

or want of self-possession. Witnessing the dis- 
orderly and disgraceful retreat of his troops, above 
New- York, where the English army had just 
landed; unable to rally them ; distressed 5 hav- 
ing abandoned all confidence in his soldiery, and 
supposing that all was lost ; he is said, while in 
the rear of his flying battalions, to have sudden- 
ly turned his horse's head, and rode towards 
the enemy, with the hope that some fortunate 
ball might then prevent his surviving the liber- 
ties of his country ; but one of his attendants 
seized the reins, gave his horse a different direc- 
tion, and saved the gallant general from destruc- 
tion. He was ever prompt at the post of duty 
and of danger 5 occasionally slept in his cloak 
on the field of battle ; and would often fearlessly 
place himself in the fore-front of an action. 

These, however, are circumstances, common 
to eminent warriors 5 and betray no other pecu- 
liarities of greatness, than what arise from the 
high motives, that produced them, and from 
their virtuous influences on the warriors them- 
selves. With Washington they were always 
exhibitions and evidences of moral grandeur. 
Success was to him the strongest argument for 
humility, religious gratitude, a fuller trust in 
Omnipotence, and the severer exercise of cir- 
cumspection and prudence 5 traits, that told of 
the preeminent power of his good principles, 
which could convert the bewildering brilliancy 
of glory to the melioration of the human char- 



/ 



24 

acter, the production of more personal distrust, 
and more cautious counsels and movements. 
But the fact is, that the American war was an 
almost unexampled series of disasters and de- 
feats. Victories were " few and far between." 
The distresses, occasionally experienced by our 
troops, were severe enough to have driven al- 
most the firmest spirit to desperation. Their 
wintry encampment at Valley Forge was one of 
the severest scenes of privation, which could 
have been endured ; which might have been 
equalled, but never was surpassed. They oc- 
cupied a cold bleak hill 5 and, almost without 
clothes or blankets, slept under frost and snow. 
About three thousand men were unfit for duty, 
from want of shoes and many other articles of 
clothing. It is said, that their march over the 
frost and snow was often traced by the blood of 
their naked feet. They were at times without 
provisions for several days ; and great sickness 
and mortality were the consequences of these 
privations and of the inclement season. Treach- 
ery once nearly surrendered the person of the 
commander in chief to the enemy at New- York; 
and machinations were, at another time, active 
to sully his reputation, and degrade him from 
his rank, through the ambition of Gates, whom 
victory had dazzled and intoxicated. But the 
moral resources of Washington were amply ad- 
equate to sustain, uninjm'ed and unsubdued, 
such a load of calamity ; and to preserye, with- 



25 

out sinking, the spirits and energies of liis sol- 
diers. He had the powers of persuasion to 
hush their murmurs of discontent ; and, with 
the affection of a father, sympathised in all their 
sufferings. Sublime was the attitude, in which 
he placed himself in that momentous crisis, at 
the close of the war, when sedition raised its 
terrific crest 5 when able, anonymous addresses 
were maliciously circulated among the officers 
of the army to excite them to immediate revolt 
and the work of desolation. With moral en- 
ergy, with unrivalled strength of argument, and 
almost superhuman majesty, did he then crush 
that monster of sedition at its birth. Adver- 
sity never disturbed the serenity of his features. 
Calumny could not repress- his perseverance in 
duty. Though silent about the assaults of his 
enemies, he triumphed over them by the dignity 
of his virtue ; and his innocence was made as 
brilliant, as the noonday. 

Another eminent moral feature in his military 
character was his prudence, his Fabian policy. 
This was founded in deep wisdom, which was 
the enlightened and fortunate conviction, that, 
in his case, success was not to be expected from 
great battles, but from acting by detachments, 
from a harassing, skirmishing warfare. It was 
founded also in humanity, which was an ever 
active principle of his bosom ; which, amidst 
his ardent views and tempting prospects of suc- 
cess, could never, for a moment, give predomi- 

D 



26 

nance to any other consideration, than that of 
tenderness for the lives of his troops. Popular 
sentiment was ever urging him to rash enter- 
prises ; and his countrymen, who knew not his 
weak condition, were demanding brilliant ex- 
ploits. A spirit af rash and unfeeling intrepid- 
ity, animated by the love of applause, and care- 
less over what precious victims and immense 
sacrifices it should pass in its path to glory, 
would have repeatedly hazarded actions and 
prodigious effusions of human blood in those 
critical scenes, where Washington was wise e- 
nough to remain in vigilant security in his for- 
tress, and forego the laurels of fame for the no- 
bler and immortal meed of wisdom and human- 
ity. But he fought for freedom, not for con- 
quest, celebrity, wealth, or power. Valiant 
indeed was his spirit, that could find ample sup- 
port and happiness in the consciousness of rec- 
titude ; that could rise above the mad impulses 
of popular excitement and motives of personal 
distinction, to seek the most merciful, as well 
as the surest path to freedom, to avoid, as 
much as possible, all unnecessary effusion of 
blood, and effect our independence by the 
smallest public sacrifice. It was moral princi- 
ple, pure, elevated, consecrated principle, with 
which he conducted our gallant forces over the 
boisterous waves of the revolution. 

But the climax of his moral grandeur, as a 
military chieftain, was reserved for the sublime 



27 

consummation of the incidents of the revolution- 
ary war. When the greatest of all his victories, 
that of peace and independence, had crowned 
his inestimable labours and privations 5 and, 
when all the objects of warfare were accomplish- 
ed, with peculiar majesty and in the most pious 
and affecting language, he resigned his commis- 
sion. He retired from the field of military glory 
to enjoy the dignified tranquillity of private life ; 
to spend the remainder of his days in the de- 
lights of philosophy, agriculture, and the domes- 
tic virtues. How unlike this has been almost 
the whole history of human nature ; and how 
greatly, in many respects, does this act surpass 
the illustrious Roman example^ which has been 
so much the admiration of the world. The pas- 
sion of the age was for military glory. The 
habits of his life Avere intimately blended with 
the camp. He had, by the brightest chivalry, 
gained the hearts of the people 5 and, in this 
situation, most men would have eagerly retain- 
ed such power, as he possessed, and would per- 
manently have exercised a martial dominion 
over the nation. The singular and dignified cir- 
cumstance of his resignation was therefore the 
perfection of his moral grandeur, as the beloved 
Soldier of America. 

Here were high virtues exhibited. The com- 
panions of his toils and dangers contemplated 
them with astonishment and rapture ; and sought 
the earliest opportunity to show him their pro- 



2S 

found veneration and love. By a previous ar- 
rangement, they met him in a large public hall, 
in New- York, just as he was proceeding to Con- 
gress, to resign officially his commission. Here 
was one of the most touching scenes, ever wit- 
nessed, and Qne, which assures us, that his offi- 
cers felt his extraordinary greatness and good- 
ness to their mmost souls. At this closing in- 
terview with them, he said, after filling a glass 
with wine, ^^ With a heart, full of love and 
gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most 
devoutly wish, that your latter days may be as 
prosperous and happy, as your former days have 
been glorious and honourable." He drank the 
wine and proceeded, "1 cannot come to each 
of you to take my leave ; but shall be obliged to 
you, if each will come, and take me by the 
hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned 
to him 5 Washington, unable to vspeak, and in 
tears, grasped his hand and embraced him ; and,, 
in the same way, took leave of the other officers. 
" From every eye,^' says Thacher's Military 
Journal, "dropped the tear of sensibility, and not 
a word interrupted the eloquent silence and ten- 
derness of the scene." This, my fellow-citizens, 
amidst our revolutionary struggles, was our 
champion and deliverer, whose moral grandeur,, 
in the discharge of his martial duties, has ren- 
dered him one of the most illustrious of heroes. 
There is another .field, on which Washington 
conspicuouvsly displayed his moral grandeur. It 



29 

was, as a statesman 5 and especially in filling 
the office of the chief magistracy of om* nation. 
The most prominent feature in this respect was 
his original and peculiar organization of this 
new government. It is true, that he was as- 
sociated with many able counsellers, who de- 
serve high credit for the admu'ahle principles, 
on which our civil condition is established. But, 
if there was one man, that did more, or had 
more influence, than any other, in our political 
origin, it was Washington. His accurate ob- 
servation, discerning mind, sound judgment, ex- 
tensive acquaintance with the people of this 
country, enlightened views, almost superhuman 
insight into the characters of men and tlie prin- 
ciples of legislation, dignified prudence, and gift- 
ed power of dominion over other minds 5 all 
qualified him, not only for government, the able 
administration of public affairs and the judi- 
cious choice of competent public officers, but 
also for devising and arranging all such various 
and important legislative regulations, as should 
best promote and perpetuate the peace and hap- 
piness of the community. He understood the 
rights of mankind and the essential principles 
of civil and religious liberty 5 and on these safe 
foundations he erected our splendid political 
fabric. The system was new. There had been 
nothing like it in the world. As his knowledge 
of human nature was profound 5 as he had ma- 
turely studied the character and condition of 



30 

his countrymen ; as his enhghtened mind look- 
ed to the remotest future, as well as to the pres-* 
ent, for the salutary influence of his policy 5 as 
the fountains of the great deep in legislation 
were now to be broken up ; and a new order 
of things must begin 5 he considered no order 
so desirable, and no gift, so worthy of freemen, 
as a free government. It was the most noble, 
the most congenial of gifts to every one, that 
dwelt in our land. It was indeed "^'the most 
precious depository of American happiness." 
It had a merciful reference to all the civil, mor- 
al, and religious interests of every one of our 
countrymen. It was an admirable exhibition 
of moral grandeur 5 the crowning glory of the 
revolution 5 the gift, that conferred on our in- 
dependence all its enchantment. 

In reviewing the acts of his administration, 
we find him guided by just views, stability of 
principle, and direct regard to the best interests 
of his country. In suppressing the insurrection 
in Pennsylvania^ without the effusion of blood, 
he exhibited a striking instance of profound and 
conciliating policy, decided resolution, and un- 
controllable energy. His whole com'se, in re- 
lation to those insm'gents, was moral power. 
His soul was absorbed in protecting the lives of 
his infatuated fellow-countrymen, in making 
them good citizens, and in securing the public 
peace. It was not the desire of dominion, but 
the permanent good of the insurgents, that sway- 



31 

ed his motives. Defeated in all the importuni- 
ties of language and in his plans to produce 
obedience, he had, in mercy, recourse to such 
overwhelming physical power, as compelled sub- 
mission, without the least resistance. Nothing 
then could have been safer, than to trust power 
in the hands of such a man, who could thus 
wield it with inexpressible majesty of mercy. 

In our foreign relations also we cannot fail to 
discern his moral grandeur. Conscience and the 
interests of the country led him to the adoption 
of Jay's treaty, when the people were trem- 
blingly alive on this subject, and when opposi- 
tion to his measures was excessively alarming. 
He took a just and firm, but hazardous course, 
in relation to certain French diplomatic agents, 
who treated wath contempt the authority of our 
laws. He maintained with undaunted energy 
and moral sublimity, though almost at the cer- 
tain loss of his popularity, our independence a- 
gainst France ; a circumstance, that gave rise 
to the two great parties, that, till recently, con- 
tinued to divide and seriously afflict our country. 
His keen moral perception well comprehended 
the character of the French revolution ; and he 
stood between the dead and the living with as 
much glory, as Burke ; and, amidst greater 
danger and more personal obloquy, stayed the 
Avorst of plagues from this favoured soil. He 
was incapable of being swerved by factious in- 
fluences ; was above the power of passion and 



32 

prejudice ; and never experienced, or admitted 
over his mind, the undue ascendency of party. 
He weighed all subjects submitted to him, with 
the maturest consideration ; and heeded no oth- 
er bias in his decisions, than what arose from 
justice and conscience. 

Ever consulting the public interests, he en- 
deavoured to modify the laws for the increase 
of human happiness, and suggest such improve- 
ments, as came within the scope of his benevo- 
lent and comprehensive mind. He suggested 
various plans for internal improvement; and, for 
this purpose, made tours of observation, and cor- 
responded with the diilerent legislatures and 
the ablest men. He saw and suggested the nu- 
merous commercial and political advantages, that 
would result from connecting our eastern and 
western territory 5 and, like the great Clinton, 
contemplated mingling the waters of Lake Erie 
with the eastern rivers, that flow into the At- 
lantic. He watched over the cause of educa- 
tion 5 and, that its interests should be sustain- 
ed, he recommended a national university. He 
urged the humane and salutary abolition of the 
old feudal system of descent of property, that 
it might have a more general division, as being 
most consistent with our republican institutions 
and habits. He sought vigilantly to secure the 
civilization, peace and comfort of the Indian 
tribes. A more elevated, pure, disinterested, 
laborious, and faithful statesman never lived. 



S3 

Notwithstanding his poUtical rank and power, 
his triumphant ascendency over the hearts of 
his countrymen, and the lustre, that encircled 
his name, both at home and abroad ; yet he as- 
sumed no honours or homage. Simplicity was 
his ornament ; humility was his honour ; moral 
greatness was his majesty. 

If we wish a further exhibition of his moral 
grandeur, we may witness it in the abundant 
proofs of his ardent and disinterested patriotism. 
Fond of retirement 5 delighted with the pursiuts 
of agriculture ; experiencing supreme satisfac- 
tion from domestic ^enjoyments, which formed 
his only ambition 5 possessed of a valuable es- 
tate on the banks of the Potomac, where every 
thing was enchanting to the eye and the refined 
taste, and seemed with resistless eloquence to 
say, it was good for him to be there 5 it must 
have been a prodigious sacrifice to have ex- 
changed such scenes and indulgences for the pri- 
vations and dangers of the camp, or the oppres- 
sive duties of the civil magistracy. He disdain- 
ed to receive any remuneration for his inestima- 
ble services, during the sixteen years of his un- 
wearied and exclusive devotion to the interests 
of his country. So scrupulous was he in this 
respect, that he declined, though with the great- 
est delicacy, the grant of Virginia ; and, by his 
desire, it was appropriated to the cause of pub- 
lic education. Though his motives, skill and 
bravery were often assailed ; and though, at 



34 

times, lie was compelled to bear a load of cal- 
umny, that would have sunk almost every other 
person to the earth 5 yet he betrayed no resent- 
ment 5 he never, for an instant, expressed dis- 
gust at the army or the nation ; but continued 
to love and serve both with unabated aifection 
and fidelity. The ofiices, which he held, were 
not for himself; they were held for his beloved 
republic. History proclaims this ; the docu- 
ments of Congress show it; his whole life proves 
it. Our country was his early, his last, his 
constant care. So intense was his solicitude 
for its welfare, that, during the most critical 
years of the revolution, he seldom smiled ; but 
yet a perfect government over himself always 
gave calmness to his features and expressions. 
If these be not satisfactory proofs of his patriot- 
ism, consider his constant readiness to offer his 
life upon this altar, and his repeated exposure 
to scenes and posts of danger, from which, for 
high purposes, he only escaped, through the 
wonderful and merciful interposition of Provi- 
dence. 

Do we demand another evidence of his moral 
grandeur 1 Let us read the annals of his benev- 
olence. The history of the revolution alone 
ought to satisfy us. In this, and in every oth- 
er respect, he stands in the foreground, as one 
of the most eminent philanthropists of the hu- 
man race. No narrow policy, no limited views^ 
no selfish interests, contracted his expansive 



35 

bosom. "To cultivate the affections of good 
men, and to seek to be pleased with them," 
were among the adopted rules of his life. He 
saw in the sacrifices, that he was so nobly mak- 
ing, the boundless extent and results of national 
felicity. When he had consummated the mighty 
purposes of the revolution, this whole land re- 
echoed with the exultations of grateful freemen. 
The fruits of his benevolent efforts have been 
ever since increasing. Not only are thirteen 
millions of our countrymen basking in the beams 
of his brilliant philanthropy 5 but it is also cheer- 
ing other nations. His benign example and 
christian philosophy, and his bold and original 
policy, are softening the rigours of government 
in other lands, protecting human rights, waking 
into existence a deep interest in the useful arts, 
and diffusing a purer atmosphere of literty over 
many other portions of this vast globe. Con- 
template with admiration his divine disposition 
to do good, as manifested in his constant inter- 
cession with government for the milder treat- 
ment of prisoners of war ; in his interposition for 
the liberation of American captives in Algiers 5 
in his constant and unwearied exertions for the 
comfort of his troops ; in his eloquent importu- 
nity with congress for their payment ; in pro- 
viding for the emancipation of his slaves ; and in 
his humane negociations with the Indians, with 
whom was his first diplomatic transaction, and 
" urging the responsibility of national character. 



that we should treat them with kindness and 
even with liberahty." Consider the deep in- 
terest which he took in Lafayette 5 his noble 
efforts to effect the rescue of that illustrious ben- 
efactor of our country, while in the dungeon of 
Olmutz. Read his pathetic petition, unoffi- 
cially written to the Emperor of Germany 5 a 
petition, which w^as soon followed by a mitiga- 
tion of the sufferings of the distinguished cap- 
tive ; and say, w^hetber any thing could have 
been more generous, eloquent and dignified. 
Peruse also his letter, written to a friend near 
Boston, immediately after the arrival, at that 
place, of Lafayette's only son, who had just 
escaped from France, to find on our shores a 
safe asylum. In that epistle, we shall find the 
father of our country, offering to "- stand in the 
place of a father, friend, protector, and support- 
er," to that exiled, and friendless wanderer, 
and to bear all his expenses, should he enter the 
University of Cambridge. Pass from these 
scenes to the walks of the private life of Wash- 
ington, and we shall observe his warm affec- 
tions, glowing in all the delightful endearments 
of domestic happiness. 

Nor was it any stain upon his benevolence, 
that he adopted such severe measures against 
Major Andre and Lord Cornwallis, in relation 
to whom, his adversaries have cast on him much 
severe, but unmerited animadversion. For, as 
Arnold had been the first and only traitor ; as 



37 

energetic measures were necessary, in conse- 
€|uence of the desperate state of our army ; as 
an able board of officers had fully investigated 
Andre's case 5 and as the laws of war had as- 
signed to persons in his situation the degrading 
mode of execution, that was adopted ; the pecu- 
liar penalty of Andre, therefore, was unavoida- 
ble. Stern justice demanded it. The anguish 
of Washington in enforcing it is said to have 
been very severe ; and he could scarcely com- 
mand his pen, when he signed the fatal warrant 
to execute that excessively interesting and gal- 
lant officer. As for the military sentence, re- 
quiring Earl Cornwallis to make a formal sur- 
render of his sword, after the defeat of his army, 
this was only in retaliation for the same dis- 
graceful terms, that he had previously demand- 
ed of General Lincoln 5 who, through a subal- 
tern of the Earl, on account of the real or pre- 
tended indisposition of the latter, received the 
submission of the royal army. There is no 
doubt that the philanthropy of Washington was, 
in every respect, a rare and most admirable ex- 
hibition of moral grandeur. 

But the feature of his greatness, most inter- 
esting to us, as probationers and candidates of 
heaven, was his eminence, as a christian. A 
full and implicit trust in the superintendence of 
God gave confidence to his intrepidity, and cov- 
ered him, as with a shield, in the hour of dan- 
ger. Peruse his speeches, and you will see the 



38 • 

uniform manifestation of this religious depen- 
dence. In the address at his presidential inau- 
gm'ation^ he stated, that ^'it would be peculiar- 
ly improper to omit, in his first ojERcial act, fer- 
vent supplications for the divine benediction on 
our government, and the instruments employed 
in its administration." After the defeat of 
Cornwallis, he ordered divine service for the ex- 
pression of thanksgiving 5 and enjoined " his 
troops to be present, with such serious deport- 
ment and sensibility of heart, as the recollection 
of the interposition of Providence in their favoi^r 
demanded." Above science, philosophy, com- 
merce, and all other considerations in improving 
the condition of mankind, he ranked the pure 
and benign light of revelation. Officially he an- 
nounced, on his accession to the presidency, 
that "neither visits of business nor ceremony 
would be expected on Sunday, as he wished to 
reserve that day sacredly to himself." More- 
over it is well known, that he regularly attend- 
ed public worship ; accustomed himself to daily 
devotion ; and was also a partaker of the holy 
communion. 

Besides these evidences of his faith and piety, 
there were ever conspicuous in his life the graces 
and morals, inculcated by the gospel. He bore 
his honours and faculties most meekly ; studi- 
diously avoided all ostentation and parade ; and 
manifested increasing diffidence in proportion to 
his exaltation. When appointed to the com- 



39 

mand of the army, he accepted the office in the 
presence of Congress with the affecting and hum- 
ble declaration, "I beg it may be remembered 
by every member of this house, that I this day 
declare with the utmost sincerity, 1 do not think 
myself equal to the command, with which I am 
honoured. ' ' When welcomed through triumph- 
al arches, amidst the shouts and grateful bene- 
dictions of thousands, to receive the highest civil 
honour of the nation, his diary records that his 
"• mind was then filled with painful, rather than 
pleasing sensations, to contemplate the reverse 
of that scene, which might be the case, after all 
his endeavours to do good." In these instan- 
ces we perceive an admirable humility of char- 
acter, which, while it guarded him against the 
dangers of rank and fame, gave him an exalta- 
tion, far above all earthly distinctions. He was 
celebrated for the strictest punctuality in his 
engagements, and the most exact method in all 
his transactions. Tlu'oughout life, till only two 
days before his decease, his accounts were kept 
with singular neatness and the severest accuracy. 
An undeviating regard for truth was one of his 
most prominent features 5 even when a child, 
he was never known to have uttered a falsehood. 
Self government, or the entire victory over his 
appetites, feelings and expressions, seemed to 
exist in him to the highest degree possible to 
humanity. This was a prodigious moral power 5 
for there can be no doubt, that his propensities 



40 

and emotions were intensely ardent, in propor- 
tion to his other mighty energies. This was 
the beUef of the celebrated portrait painter, Stu- 
art, unrivalled for reading the sonl in the human 
countenance, and for depicting it on the canvass. 
He used to say, "there were features in the 
face of Washington, totally different from what 
he had ever observed in that of any other human 
being, and indicative of the strongest passions." 
But these had no power over him ; his life was 
an incessant victory, in the conquest over him- 
self. "No man," says Chief Justice Marshall, 
"has ever appeared upon the theatre of pubhc 
action, whose integrity was more incorruptible, 
or whose principles were more perfectly free 
from the contamination of those selfish and un- 
worthy motives, which find their nourishment 
in the conflicts of party. No truth can be ut- 
tered with more confidence, than that his ends 
were always upright, and his means always 
pure." Indeed, it has ever been said, that his 
moral majesty, or resplendent constellation of 
great virtues, has been more effectual, than all 
his military and civil power, in producing and 
preserving the liberties, morals and prosperity 
of our republic. 

With such faith, piety and morals, he was 
prepared for death. He had lived for his coun- 
try, for freedom, for virtue, for the w^orld. He 
saw nothing, in looking backwards, to create 
remorse ; nothing, in looking forward, to alarm 



41 

his fears. In the midst of his vigor, witliout 
having betrayed any physical or mental infirmi- 
ty ^ in the midst of nnsulHed renown, this sun of 
glory sunk beneath the horizon of life. He re- 
tired in aw^fol majesty, uttering the sublime ex- 
pression, I AM NOT AFRAID TO DIE. But UO 
night has followed his setting. He has left an 
interminable track of splendour behind him ; and 
the nation w^alks in it, boasts of its brightness, 
revels in its enchanting beams, and prospers by 
its glory. This, my fellow- citizens, is the char- 
acter of the Founder of our republic. Its truth 
can be substantiated by facts. I challenge you 
to go to the history of ancient or modern times 
for a personage, more illustrious. He has been 
called a Fabius, an Aristidcs, a Marcus Aure- 
lius, an Epaminondas 5 but all do him injustice, 
who call him any thing, but Washington. In 
this name are comprehended all the magnificent 
human attributes, that belong to the highest 
moral grandem'. 

The unexampled character, which has now 
been so feebly portrayed, is an untiring and 
delightful theme for contemplation. It does 
honour to our country, as well as to human na- 
ture. But there is another important consider- 
ation, in which it should be viewed ; and that 
is, in the connexion of the moral grandeur of 
Washington with the character and happiness 
of our nation, which presents one of the sub- 
limest spectacles of civil prosperity, that^ can be 



42 

found. At the period of our colonial conflicts 
with the parent state, we had a sparsely settled 
frontier ; not three millions of people 5 and only 
thirteen States ; or, as Fisher Ames more ac- 
curately described them, "thirteen wretched 
settlements, which vast woods enclosed, and 
still vaster woods divided from each other." 
Now we have twenty-four States. Our popu- 
lation may be estimated at thirteen millions 5 its 
tide is rolling on beyond the Rocky Mountains 
to the shores of the Pacific. Our territory, 
embracing the breadth of this continent between 
two mighty seas, is as extensive as that of Eu- 
rope. Our average annual revenue is about 
twenty-five millions of dollars 5 while the ex- 
ports of foreign and domestic produce exceed 
seventy-three millions. Our sails are unfurled 
in every sea and harbour. The enlarged enter- 
prise of the nation would task the eloquence of 
any living B urke . O ur numerous manufactories 
employ an immense amount of capital ; and 
their commodities, in many instances, claim pre- 
eminence in fabric, and find their way to almost 
every foreign market. A spirit of internal im- 
provement pervades the land. Steamboats, 
rail roads and canals are constantly multiplied 
to facilitate transportation. The cause of learn- 
ing is daily gathering new success among us. 
Already have we fifty-nine Colleges 5 also 
twenty-one Theological Seminaries 5 seventeen 
Medical, and nine Law schools. These institu- 



4-3 

tions are generally advancing in discipline, anc" 
liberally extending their pursuits, inquiries and 
improvements. Philosophy is no longer the 
prerogative of a favoured few 5 but is accessible 
to all classes of the community, and descends 
even to citizens of the humblest life. The re- 
duction of the public debt, and the general econ- 
omy, pursued in relation to the national finan- 
ces, render taxation a burthen, that may surely 
be called light. Our army presents for us a 
perfect shield of safety on land ; and our navy 
is amply sufficient to protect our property and 
character on every sea, and is an invincible 
floating bulwark against foreign invasion. The 
interests of science and the arts find universal 
patronage ; those of religion have theh safe- 
guard in the majesty of enlightened public opin- 
ion 5 and the laws have their complete support 
in the demands of public order and vktue. We 
enjoy, more than any other nation on earth, a 
free exercise of the rights of conscience. Un- 
bounded religious tolerance is one of our clearest 
and brightest privileges 5 and this indeed forms 
the basis of our civil prosperity. The power 
of the constitution is extensive and eflectual in 
all its various departments; oppressing none by 
its operations 5 and breathing justice, order and 
peace over the community. Should we retire 
from scenes of political strife, from the boister- 
ous sea of corrupting faction, we should scarcely 
know, except from the abundance of prosperity. 



44 

that the complex and wonderful machinery of 
government was in motion ; and then should 
we revel in admkation of its silent harmony, 
and in ardent gratitude for its countless bless- 
ings. 

Nor should I omit to mention some other privi- 
leges, that we enjoy. The abolition of the feudal 
law of primogeniture has prevented a pampered 
and sytematic aristocracy 5 and, by the conse- 
quently fortunate diffusion of property, has a 
material influence on the contentment of the 
people, and the permanency of government. 
Our nation is constitutionally pacific. Its estab- 
lished doctrine of neutrality has saved us from 
numerous wars, into which, without this wise 
principle, we should inevitably have been 
driven. From the happy effect of the diffusion 
of the principles of freedom, every man among 
us, how^ever humble, feels an individuality, and 
has a personal consequence and weight, as far 
as he has intellect and moral influence, in all our 
national concerns. No door of emolument, dis- 
tinction, or power is barred against him. He 
can submit his opinions without restraint or 
danger, provided he submits them with respect 
and decorum. No censorship is on the press. 
Notwithstanding the extent of our civil privi- 
leges, the proportion of criminal cases is compar- 
atively small. Violations of the law are gen- 
erally detected, and are promptly tried and pun- 
ished by an enlightened, able, impartial, and 



45 

energetic Judiciary. The principles of our ju- 
risprudence, and their appUcation to practice, 
have extorted much foreign eulogy. An intel- 
ligent writer, in one of the most able English 
Reviews, calls the author of the Commenta- 
ries on American Law, "the Blackstone of 
America f^ and a distinguished French politi- 
cian asserts, "that our legislators have accom- 
plished without violence, and almost without 
effort, what the ancient and modern j^hilosophers 
would not have dared to express." Nor are 
the other learned professions among us halting 
in their march, or wanting in men of eminence, 
men, who are acknowledged great on the other 
side of the Atlantic, and whose names will ever 
stand high on the imperishable records of fame. 
It must now be obvious to every one, who 
takes an impartial view of the condition of our 
country, that there is not a freer or happier land 
on the face of the earth. We cannot, therefore, 
hesitate to assert that the Revolution was a 
providential and most merciful dispensation 5 
that our government has proved a most fortunate 
experiment 5 and that Washington is entitled 
to our veneration and gratitude, as our greatest 
earthly benefactor. The enthusiasm of the 
traveller, who expects to find here an El Do- 
rado, or an Utopia ; and the narrow spirit and 
national prejudices of the foreigner, who can find 
no good in any country, but his own ; have led 
to much misrepresentation, that has exposed us 



46 

in other lands to ridicule and contempt. 15ut, 
notwithstanding the severe and incessant abuses, 
which have been heaped upon us by the vulgar, 
the ignorant and the prejudiced; we hold, among 
enlightened and generous minds of other coun- 
tries, an elevated rank, and a glorious name ; 
and our felicities are the subject of their admira- 
tion and praise. Our soil is considered by them, 
as the asylum of freedom, the home of refuge for 
the oppressed, and a favoured spot for the intel- 
lectual and refined, the affluent and the enter- 
prising. We must be more than mortal, writes 
a sensible English traveller, if we are not elated 
with our condition. "Farewell," said Southey, 
to an intelligent American, with whom he had 
been conversing about the recent contests for 
Reform in England, and who was just parting 
from the hospitality, and romantic, congenial 
scenery of the home of one of the most gifted of 
scholars and poets, to revisit his native land ; 
"farewell ; — return to your peaceful country 5 
and prepare, perhaps ere long, to receive a sec- 
ond emigration of pilgrims." Many such, a- 
midst the gathering storms of Europe, may seek 
our shores. The interposition of Providence, 
infinitely wise in all his dispensations, may be 
now directing events, so as to honour our cities 
with the residence of some of the most illustri- 
ous sages, statesmen, scholars and divines of the 
old world. Even the countrymen of Kosciusko, 
forlorn and desperate at the ceaseless and heai't- 



4t 

rending shrieks of freedom, may yet be colonized 
on some American ten;itory ; which, in such a 
case, as a tribute to the noblest patriotism, our 
country should dignify with the interesting name 
of Poland. 

Amidst such a state of things, on this centen- 
nial anniversary, breathes there a citizen amongst 
us, who does not exult, that he is a American? 

** Breathes there the man, with soul so dead, 
Who never to hhnself has said. 
This is my own, my native land." 

Breathes there a citizen, who does not rejoice, 
that Washington's great name is "compatriot 
with his own 5" and that the mighty principles, 
the constitutional axis, on which the nation so 
harmoniously turns, were chiefly the produc- 
tions of his vigorous mind, and enlightened pol- 
icy ? Breathes there an American, who does 
not estimate above all price the treasures ex- 
pended, the blood spilt, the labours and priva- 
tions endured by the gallant revolutionary sol- 
diers, who aided in achieving our deliverance 
and sovereignty ? Breathes there one, who does 
not feel an exaltation of soul and a new ardour 
of patriotism, as he contemplates himself, living 
in this bright age of Washington 1 Breathes 
there a citizen, w^hatever may be his political 
creed, who does not feel an increased attachment 
to this soil, and new triumphs kindling in his 
bosom, as he reads the masterly eloquence, the 
splendid results, illustrations and defences of 



48 

freedom, that have emanated from oiir great 
statesmen, in both Etoiises of Congress ?— ^ 
Breathes there a citizen, who does not manifest 
his gratitude for the patriotic services of JefFer-^ 
son, Adams and Monroe, who, amidst the enlo- 
gies of their countrymen, have followed to the 
tomb their iUustrious predecessor in the magis- 
tracy of the nation ? Breathes there one, who 
is not grateful for the valuable labours of the 
two surviving ex-presidents, who are giving in- 
teresting proofs of republican simplicity 5 — the 
one, by his active duties, as a member of Con- 
gress ;— the other, by enjoying the delights of 
dignified retirement , by freely im.parting his 
counsel, when required, for the legislative inter- 
ests of his State 5 and by realizing the brilliant 
results of those lofty and sound opinions, which 
he has given to the world in his admirable chap- 
ters of the " Federalist" ? Breathes there one, 
who does not, under the course of the present 
administration, rejoice at our abundant bless- 
ings ? Breathes there a citizen, who will not at 
this centennial celebration, most fervently pray, 
that the principles of Washington may pervade 
and sustain our institutions ; and be, with all 
classes of men among us, the common watch- 
word for our country's welfare ? If such there 
breathe, go — ^point to them with the finger of 
scorn. Whatever maybe their learning, wealth 
or rank, they deserve no reverence 5 and can feel 
no joy on this brilliant occasion. They 



49 

" Living, should forfeit fair renown, 
And, doablj dying, should go down 
To tho vile dust, from whence they sprung, 
Unwept, unhonour'd, and unsung." 

But, while triumphing in our freedom, and 
in the glories of him, by whom it was achieved, 
there is upon our nation one foul blot, which we 
cannot fail to deplore, and which we cannot be 
too prompt and energetic in endeavouring to 
ejSace. That foul stain, my fellow-citizens, is 
the existence of slavery among us. We regret 
it, as a tremendous moral evil, and as attended 
by the most awfal political consequences 5 not 
to mention those other unutterable retributions, 
^ which it will, one day, call forth from the foun- 
tain of divine justice. Let it be stated, how- 
ever, in extenuation of our criminality, as a na- 
tion, that the evil was entailed upon us by the 
corrupt opinions and practices of the world 5 
and especially by the nation, from whom we 
sprang. It is an hereditary sin 5 whose ex- 
tirpation seemed not to be within the power of 
our new government. Its remedy is one of the 
most difficult problems of civil legislation ; and, 
if practicable, must require many years for its 
accomplishment. Much has already been done. 
Thirteen states have passed legislative acts for 
the abolition of slavery. Virginia was recently 
on the verge of adopting the same noble course; 
and Maryland affords a like cheering promise by 
its late struggle in the cause of humanity and 
a 



50 

liberty. The Colonization Society is making a 
deep impression, and producing a material re- 
form in this momentous concern. We trust 
that the prevalence of Christianity, public opin- 
ion, the credit of the nation, our highest inter- 
ests, just and enlightened commentaries on the 
principles of freedom, and the touching appeals 
of humanity, will eventually extirpate the evil. 
"Nothing," says Mr. Jefferson, in his Me- 
moirs, *'is more certainly w^ritten in the book 
of fate, than that the blacks are to be free ; nor 
is it less certain, that the two races, equally 
free, cannot live in the same government. Na- 
ture, habit, and opinion have drawn indelible 
lines of distinction between them. It is still in 
our power to direct the process of emancipation 
and deportation peaceably, and in such slow 
degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly, 
and the places of the blacks be, pari passu, fill- 
ed up by free white labourers. If, on the con- 
trary, it is left to force itself on, human nature 
must shudder at the prospect." Our country 
has taken a memorable step, that does honour 
to itself, and is a brilliant example to the world. 
Let it be spoken to our praise, and to conciliate 
public mercy, relative to our former sins, that 
our government was the first on the earth, that 
declared the slave trade, felony. This act seems 
the harbinger of an approaching era, when " the 
genius of universal emancipation" shall disen- 
thral every slave. Let it now be deeply im- 



51 

printed on oar hearts, that a resolution to be 
unwearied in our exertions for this purpose, is 
one of the most prominent duties of this anni- 
versary. 

Faithful is this representation of the present 
condition of our country 5 and the most superfi- 
cial observer may discern, that it is almost 
wholly the natural and necessary result of the 
enlightened policy of Washington. The very 
basis of our prosperity is a confederated govern- 
ment, administered strictly on republican prin- 
ciples. No imperfection has yet been detected 
in this splendid theory. Original and bold was 
the political experiment. Lofty must have been 
the mind, and immortal must be the fame of 
him, who projected it. It was a daring step in 
this "new world, fair and fresh from the hand 
of its Creator," to abandon the antiquated sen- 
timents, in which the nations had for many 
centuries been established, and to devise and 
adopt an untried course of civil polity. " To 
this manly spirit," says Mr. Madison, in the 
Federalist, " posterity will be indebted for the 
possession, and the world for the example, of 
the numerous innovations, displayed on the 
American theatre, in favour of private rights and 
public happiness. Had no important step been 
taken by the leaders of the revolution, for which 
a precedent could not be discovered 5 no gov- 
ernment established, of which an exact model 
did not present itself 5 the people of the United 



5t 

States might, at this moment, have been num- 
bered among the melancholy victims of misguid- 
ed counsels, or must, at best, have been labour- 
ing under the weight of some of those forms, 
which have crushed the liberties of the rest of 
mankind." 

How vitally and fortunately has this single 
fact of the peculiar structure of our civil polity^, 
affected all the valuable interests of our native 
land. Consider what we should have Been, if 
Washington, with the spirit of Cromwell, had 
sought glory in the campaigns of fanaticism 5 or 
had founded here an absolute monarchy 5 or,, 
with ferocious dominion, had laboured to intro- 
duce a military despotism ; or had encouraged a 
project, once warmly cherished, to establish ia 
our land three separate empires ; or had divided 
among his generals the various states,, as distinct 
principalities, and consequently subjected them 
to interminable jealousies, ambitious designs, 
and ceaseless warfare. It is impossible fully to 
appreciate the infinite advantages of our political 
organization, and its direct and happy influence 
on our minds and affections, on religion, litera- 
ture, the arts, and on the institutions and com- 
forts of society. It is impossible to estimate too 
highly the preciousness of the chain, that binds 
these States 5 that unites us all in one interest; 
in the use of the same language 5 in a common 
effort for enlightened legislation, increasing 
knowledge, and extensive improvement ; in an 



53 

interchange of the countless productions of our 
various climates ; in the same reasons and in- 
terests for the preservation of civil order and 
peace ; in one common defence against foreign 
influence and foreign invasion. 

Nor was the mind of Wasliington less influ- 
ential and active in framing our civil code, than 
in the formation of our government. He la- 
boured for the establishment and protection of 
our civil and religious rights 5 was the projector 
of our navy 5 was a zealous patron and advocate 
of internal improvement 5 liberally exerted him- 
self for the advancement of education ; taught 
that religion and morality were the only dura- 
ble foundations of a republican government 5 and 
urged most strenuously the union of the States, 
" as the main pillar in the edifice of our real in- 
dependence, and the palladium of our political 
safety and prosperity." He exhibited an ad- 
mirable lesson of the great wisdom of neutrality, 
in regard to foreign countries 5 a lesson, which has 
averted from us numberless evils, and procured 
for us incalculable blessings. His views on 
every subject had an enlarged scope, vastly be- 
yond the character of the era, in which he lived. 
The great step of our independence was one, 
that anticipated the operations of time and ex- 
perience ; seemed to effect among our people, 
as if by enchantment, an immediate improve- 
ment, which it would have cost many years to 
have obtained ; surprised the old world in its 



54 

antiquated habits and institutions ; burst asun- 
der the ties, that held the mind, as well as the 
body, in bondage 5 and placed us in a new and 
boundless field of physical, intellectual, and 
moral advancement. 

In addition to all, that Washington has actu- 
ally done for us, his principles, influence and 
example are mighty agents in constant opera- 
tion on our country. " He, being dead, yet 
speaketh." His spirit has an ubiquity in the 
land. Counsellers, sages and statesmen seem 
to hear his thrilling monitions 5 to stand rebuk- 
ed in their folly or dishonesty by his wisdom and 
integrity 5 to be guided, amidst doubts and dif- 
ficulties, by the polestar of his enlightened coun- 
sel ; and to feel awed, as if beholding his vener- 
able person, that was invested with a dignity, 
beyond that of any other man, and always in- 
spired the most profound reverence. Time and 
the vicissitudes of things have only served to 
develope and confirm his extraordinary clear- 
ness of views and soundness of judgment. He 
exercises a moral control over the manners and 
habits of the nation, in relation to luxury, licen- 
tiousness, pride of office, and repulsiveness of 
rank. We do not assert that he is the sole 
cause of our peace and welfare. Associated 
with him were congenial spirits, born to aid 
him in his unexampled achievements. But his 
spirit was "mightiest among the mightiest;" 
ruled in the great assembly of our nation 5 and, 



more than all in that assembly, was the origin 
of our prosperity and fame. The factions, en- 
vy, strife and ignorance, that opposed his moral 
power, while he lived, are gone. His wisdom 
and virtues are now beaming on us with accu- 
mulated and unobstructed lustre ; giving a re- 
splendent dawn to this new century 5 and prom- 
ising to increase their benignant light on our re- 
public until the consummation of all things. — 
Wonderful indeed, then, must have been his 
moral grandeur, to have rendered him in life one 
of the most illustrious of men, and to have 
stamped his genius and spirit, so indelibly upon 
the times, as emphatically to secure for them, 
among all his countrymen, the immortal title of 

THE AGE OF WASHINGTON. 

Gratefully, my fellow- citizens, have 1 now, 
in compliance with your request, offered a just 
and sincere, though feeble tribute to the memo- 
ry of the Founder of our Republic. But, w^hile 
we reverence his virtues, express our thanks 
for his services, and rejoice that we have seen 
the completion of a century, made glorious by 
the consequences of his birth 5 we are also to 
consider that, connected with this anniversa- 
ry, are many solemn duties, which it is incum- 
bent upon us to discharge. A most precious 
legacy is transmitted to us. We inherit a de- 
lightful country, associated with a history, that 
fills us with enthusiasm and generous pride 5 a 
form of government, that is the admiration of 



56 

the world, and our boast and joy 5 and a sys- 
tem of laws, admirably adapted to all our civil 
and religious rights. These, at the cost of im- 
mense labours and sacrifices, are now sacredly 
committed to our trust. In addition to such 
splendid possessions, w^e have the character of 
Washington, and the inestimable treasure of his 
written opinions. Blessed with these rare gifts 
and privileges 5 and trusting in the Divine aid 
and benediction 5 with what confidence and 
bright hopes do we enter upon a new century. 
But let us remember, that the blessings of the 
coming age depend on our unreluctant submis- 
sion to the obligations of religion and morality ; 
on our reverence and love of the Supreme Be- 
ing 5 and on our faithful observance of the gos- 
pel of his Son. Besides the discharge of these 
indispensable duties, our national prosperity 
Tests on our adherence to the principles of 
Washington ; on our perpetual reverence of 
them ; and on our indefatigable exertions to 
secure their operation in all the departments, 
counsels, and policy of our government. Let 
us fervently pray, as he did, " that God would 
be graciously pleased to dispose us to do justice, 
to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with 
that charity, humility, and pacific temper of 
mind, which were the characteristics of the Di- 
vine Author of our blessed religion ; without 
an humble imitation of whose divine example 
in these things, w^e can never hope to be a hap- 



57 

py nation." Let us present our grateful ac- 
knowledgments to the Supreme Being, for hav- 
ing sent us such a guide and protector, amidst 
our days of darkness and peril ; and for having 
granted us such signal deliverance and liberty. 
JLet us ascribe to Heaven all the praise, and 
exclaim, " Not unto us, not unto us, but unto 
the name of God be all the glory." Let us be 
thankful, respecting our political Deliverer, 
whose name and character must necessarily be 
always before the American people, that he 
cherished no principles and committed no acts, 
which can give the slightest sanction to infideli- 
ty or vice. Let us rejoice, that he possessed 
those highest, brightest attributes of character,— 
a sound religious faith, and unimpeachable in- 
tegrity : so that, while we exhibit him to our 
countrymen, as the greatest model of patriotism, 
they cannot fail also to admire the constellation 
of his virtues 5 to feel a reverence for that di- 
vine religion, on which his moral grandeur was 
founded ; and thus to become, in the various 
concerns of life, more active and disinterested 
patriots, and at the same time more ardent and 
exemplary christians. Let us piously say, in 
relation to the whole revolution, what our vic- 
torious General so eloquently asserted, after 
the battle of Monmouth 5 " The hand of Prov- 
idence has been so conspicuous in all this, that 
he must be worse than an infidel, that lacks 
faith ; and more than wicked, that has not grat- 

H 



58 

itude to acknowledge his obligation." Let us 
earnestly contend for the union of the States. 
This is the essential principle of our preservation 
and prosperity 5 and the most momentous con- 
cern, that can affect the interests of our coun- 
try. Let us take heed to the spirit of party, 
lest it obscure and subvert the truth, and ren- 
der faction triumphant over patriotism. Let 
us imitate the moral greatness of our political 
Father, in the various duties, which we may be 
caUed to perform. Let us never relax o ir ex- 
ertions for the prevalence of freedom throughout 
our land ; that the chains of servitude may be 
universally dissolved ; that the noble language of 
our Declaration of Independence may no longer 
be heard, as a thrilling rebuke 5 and that every 
slave may leap exultingly in the enjoyment of 
spiritual and civil liberty. Let us labour for the 
diffusion of knowledge and virtue ; for, in a coun^ 
try, regulated by universal suffrage, there should 
be universal light ; and, where power is exten- 
sively reposed in the people, its safety and be- 
neficence must depend on the prevalence of 
wisdom and integrity. 

The ark of our political rights, liberties and 
prosperity is now, my fellow- citizens, in our 
hands. The seal and image of Washington are 
upon it. Within its archives are the imperish- 
able records of his wisdom, labours, achieve- 
ments and moral grandeur. The light and ben- 
edictions of heaven arc upon it ; and thirteen 



59 

millions of people are this day admiring it, with 
the liveliest enthusiasm and gratitude. We 
have a fearful responsihleness, as we stand at 
this eventful crisis, on the threshold of a new 
century, charged with the conveyance of this 
ark to the coming age. 

May we faithfully transmit the treasure, in 
all its purity and grandeur. May freedom, pros- 
perity and peace never forsake our land. May 
it be the brightest spot on the face of the earth 5 
the honoured home of the wise, the virtuous, 
and the brave. May our present government 
have an existence, commensurate with the du- 
ration of time. May Americans never forget 
the services of the crowd of heroes, patriots, 
and statesmen, jurists, philosophers, scholars, 
and cliristians, who have, for the last century, 
watched over their liberty, rights and honour. 
May our beloved RepiibUc — ''this precious jew- 
el, torn from the British crown" — these twenty- 
four free, sovereign, independent and happy 
States, cherish a perpetually increasing attach- 
ment for the sublime principles, upon which they 
were founded ; and be forever a diadem of glo- 
ry around the name of WASHINGTON, 



If. MARCH & CO. PRINTERS. 



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